Right-Wing Extremism is particularly sensitive issue for Europe due to its historic experience. Although since the time of fascism and nazism Europe has gone through radical change and already some generations have been socialised as democratic citizens, the emergence and success of extremist parties and groups causes anxiety. People do not want to believe that the history of 1930s can repeat, politicians and governments want to get rid of newcomers in parliament, political scientists try to find causes of the Right-Wing Extremism.

In this essay I have gathered all kinds of explanations and tried to decide which one sounds most convincing. There will be facts from several countries: Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Austria, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, The Netherlands, Belgium. Many of the factors influencing rise of the Right-Wing Extremism are connected and my conclusion is that explanation can be seen only in a complex of different factors.

The resurgence of Right-Wing Extremism that we are experiencing now is already the third phase after the second world war. Some authors have tried to compare the developments in all these three waves and that of the rise of fascism and nazism after the first world war. 20th century is characterised by rapid changes and situation in 1920s is absolutely different from that in 1990s. Maybe only parties themselves use the same tactics and ideas. Even then they are a response to new political and economic problems.

The two previous phases of the development of Right-Wing Extremist parties can be very clearly distinguished in all countries except Italy where MSI was permanently represented in parliament. Post-war neo-fscism is explained by the remaining fascist sentiments in part of population. Very much was spoken about the "authoritarian character" of some nations. The "defascistisation" had limited results, but former fascist countries under pressure of allies had to put in their legislation regulations against the revival of Right-Wing Extremism. (Beyme, 1988:9) Especially West Germans themselves had the responsibility to prevent the re-emergence of nazism. In Constitution Article 21 there is a clause that anti-democratic parties can be dissolved by the Constitutional Court. In 1950 the Office for the Protection of the Constitution was founded with the task of collecting information relating to extremist and other political activity that may endanger the constitutional order, passing that information as necessary to the prosecuting agencies of the state and producing regular reports on its findings.(Roberts, 1992:327) But creating such regulations did not end the phenomenon itself. In 1960s and 1970s new waves of social deprivation helped Right-Wing Extremist parties to gain support of voters. These parties were not simply neo-fascist. For example, Norwegian and Danish Progress parties were protest movements against high taxes. In France the Poujadists were the "tax revolt and anti-welfare state movement" (Beyme,1988:10)

The most recent phase started in 1980s. The Right-Wing Extremist groups and parties are very different these days. Under the title Right-Wing Extremism there can be found protest parties, nationalist-populist parties, neo-fascist groups, etc. The discussion about the proper name for the phenomenon that exists now can last for long time because the differences between various groups and parties are more than the similarities. Paul Taggart suggests to divide between New Populism and Neo-Fascism.(1995:34) The growth of the former and less of the later is contributing to the strength of the far right. H.G.Betz call this phenomenon radical right wing populism:

"Radical right-wing parties are radical in their rejection of the established sociostructural and sociopolitical system and their advocacy of individual achievement, a free marketplace, and a drastic reduction of the role of the state. They are right wing in their rejection of individual and social equality, in their opposition to the social integration of marginalized groups, and in their appeal to xenophobia, if not overt racism. They are populist in their instrumentalization of sentiments of anxiety and disenchantment and their appeal to the common man and his allegedly superior common sense." (Betz, 1993:413)

I found the most attracting classification that of Husband’s. He distinguishes several models of far right wing parties:

-Populist-nationalist parties Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ)

Danish Progress Party (FrP)

Norwegian Progress Party (FrP)

Sweden’s "New Democracy"(ND)

Italian Leagues

-Neo-fascist parties France’s National Front (FN)

Germany’s The Republicans (REPs)

German People’s Union - List D (DVU-ListD)

The National Democratic party of Germany (NDP)

The Italian Social Movement (MSI)

-Parties that are oriented to aggressive ethnic exclusionism

Belgium’s Flemish Bloc (VB)

-Parties that express traditional xenophobia:

Switzerland’s Swiss Democrats (Sds)

Although the parties have different features there are some which are common for all of them - a hostility to outgroups like foreigners, Third-World asylum-seekers, and aggressive nationalism and localism. Many of these parties are represented in national parliaments. The electoral success in most countries has occurred recently. In Austria FPÖ is third party after elections in December 1994 when it got 22.5% of votes and 42 seats in parliament. In Italy Freedom Pole (Forza Italia + MSI + Northern Leagues) got 46.4% of votes (1994). In Norway’s 1995 local elections Progress Party became the third largest party in the country. In French elections for European Parliament in 1994 the National Front got 10.5% of votes and 10 seats. Other Right-Wing Extremist parties have not been so successful but even they have improved their electoral in late 1980s and beginning of 1990s. This fact has aroused many discussions about the causes of this resurgence of Right-Wing Extremism but no theory could be developed because of differences among countries. Combination of several factors contributes to the emergence of Right-Wing Extremism :

1) Socio-economic change;

2) Individual-attitudinal factors;

3) New Politics;

4) Elite-Institutional factors;

5) Right-Wing Extremist features.

Socio-economic change. Unemployment and immigration are the factors that contribute to the Right-Wing Extremism in society. Studies of unemployed, especially long-term unemployed, show that they are politically apathetic but the ones who support Right-Wing Extremist parties are people who are threatened by unemployment. One of the factors in the rise of the Northern League (Italy) was the sudden onset of recession in the northern car industry.(Eatwell, 1994:317) The theory of the "victims of modernisation" is very popular . Indeed, Right-Wing Extremist parties attract those who are losers. Le Pen’s chosen constituency first was among the small farmers and traders threatened by the modernisation process. (Wolfreys,1993) German Republicans got their supporters from younger cohorts partly because of the threat of unemployment among young people. In 1987 16.5% of the 20 to 25 year olds were unemployed, almost twice as more as in other age groups.

Immigration has enormously increased in the last decade. It has threatened national identity in many countries and Right-Wing Extremist parties have become aware of the mobilising appeal of the immigration issue. Although the numbers of immigrants are not crucial, appearance even of few strangers in neighbourhood can arouse people’s suspicion and later also hostility. Sometimes hostility exists even before someone has come to live in neighbourhood. Anyway, immigration’s increase allows Right-Wing Extremist parties to speak about threats to nation, culture and national identity. In May 1990 polls suggested that two thirds of the Austrians thought that Austria was sheltering too many refugees. From 1989 to 1991 asylum seekers in Austria increased from 12 700 to 27 300. (Knight, 1992:297) Right-Wing Extremist parties offer solution of the immigration problem - to get rid of all immigrants. People who really feel threatened identify themselves with these parties. In 1991 FN Chairman Bruno Megret announced a 50 point plan to deal with immigration. It suggested:

- French must have priority everywhere;

- citizenship must be based on bloodrights;

- the construction of mosques must be brought to a halt;

- opening of Islamic schools must be restricted;

- education for children of immigrants may no longer be free;

- all cases of naturalisation since 1974 must be revised. (Wolfreys, 1993)

Very often legislation restricting immigration has been adopted as a response to Right-Wing Extremist parties’ activities. Thanks to Right-Wing Extremist parties the issue is now on agenda. In many countries the mainstream parties have accepted that immigration is a cause of serious social and economic problems. That in some cases has weakened the position of the Right-Wing Extremist parties but in some cases it has meant the legitimisation of a great deal of extremist proposals. As people often need someone to blame for their misfortunes, Right-Wing Extremist parties have been ready to identify the scapegoat. In case of France they are North African workers, in Spain - socially marginalized people like drug addicts, homosexuals, immigrants. (Ellwood, 1992:373). Germany has a wide range to choose: refugees from Africa and Yugoslavia, ethnic German resettlers from former Soviet bloc, and East German emigrants. There is a dilemma for German Republicans: whereas their nationalist agenda supports a return of all ethnic Germans to Germany, the core of their supporters opposed such policy. (Betz, 1990-91:54)

Surveys show that there is no simple relation between Right-Wing Extremism and areas with large concentration of immigrants. Social scientists argue that Right-Wing Extremist vote is best modelled by a direct proximity approach, or more by an "invasion" approach, where people fear the entry of "immigrants" into their community. (Eatwell, 1994:318)

Individual-attitudinal factors. In order to find out more about these factors we need to look at the voters of Right-Wing Extremist parties. Surveys do not show any recent change at attitudinal level. Strong racist views may have existed in France before the rise of FN. Among northern Italians there may have been a long-standing sense of hostility towards central government. On contrary, the evidence seems to suggest that in Western European countries, racial tolerance has grown over the last generation, though important racist subcultures remain, and may even be growing. (Eatwell, 1994:318) Surveys in this regard can be of little help because people do not want to admit that they are supporting Right-Wing Extremism especially if official opinion condemns it. People often speak things that are approved in democratic society but their actual feelings which may express intolerance and hostility, they keep to themselves. In Sweden where people mostly live in small towns, the sense of community is particularly strong. Strangers are not welcomed there. In Germany the violence against immigrants occurred in such small communities where the driving force was fear and rejection of strangers.

Common sociological profile of Right-Wing Extremist voters can be identified but there are differences in countries. The most often mentioned factors are education, age, gender, and occupational status. Surveys in 1990 found that a disproportionately large number of Republicans supporters viewed themselves as belonging to the bottom third of the society and assessed their economic situation as bad or very bad. The majority of REPs’ supporters have primary education, they are unskilled and semiskilled workers and medium and lower level employees, but also skilled workers. (Betz, 1990-91:48) Austrian FPÖ is popular among the old self-employed people, workers between 30 and 50, young voters. (Knight, 1992:289) Italian MSI has supporters among lower middle-classes and skilled working class, also unemployed. Workers in private sector are overrepresented among Right-Wing Extremist parties’ voters because these parties often declare tax reductions and narrowing of public sector. It is possible to distinguish between two sets of voters: those who are educated, skilled workers more often vote making rational choice; Those who are uneducated usually seek identification with party whose ideas resembles closest their sentiments. Thus Right-Wing Extremist parties attract voters from all groups of society but disproportionately male, private sector and young.

Supporters must be distinguished from activists who engage in violent acts. One hypothesis is that activists feel a sense of immense threat, which they personalise. They desire to achieve both their own and social rebirth through an act of "cleansing". (Eatwell, 1994:319) However, the evidence from opinion polls is that a typical Right-Wing Extremist party’s voter is neither fascist, nor even particularly radical. " No extremist party can be successful without influence which extends beyond the core group of its sympathisers." (Beyme, 1988:15) Only by appealing to segments of middle class these parties can become a serious threat to the established parties.

New politics. Paul Taggart suggests that the third phase of Right-Wing Extremism or New Populism represent an emergent new party family, because these parties share important ideological, electoral and organisational characteristics and they have "constructed themselves in opposition to the existing parties and the wider model of party politics that the dominant parties represent". (Taggart,1995:48) Two changes can be observed in Western Europe:

1) Electorate is loosing its traditional social and party ties, religion and social class matter less, people are more willing to criticise elites, especially for economic failure;

2) A new left-right spectrum is emerging, old left issues, such as nationalisation and high taxation are being replaced by new left issues, such as women’s rights, or ecologism. However, there is no necessary or clear link between a "new politics" agenda and the rise of Right-Wing Extremism. The growth of extremism in Eastern Europe illustrates this.

Elite-institutional factors. Very attractive explanation of every problem seems to be the one of electoral system. It is true that British system discourages people from wasting their vote on minor parties. However, electoral system cannot be regarded as primary cause because most European countries have not changed their electoral systems recently. The main exception is France, where changes in the electoral system in the 1980s helped the FN to make its first breakthrough.

Another explanation concerns such aspect of Right-Wing Extremism as protest. People do not particularly like the party but voting for this party means the vote against established parties. Such protest voting is popular thanks to traditional parties themselves . They have become corrupted, trying to maximize their own benefits. Not surprisingly that Right-Wing Extremist parties’ voters express very low trust in government and politicians. 1984 poll in France showed that 72% of FN sympathisers believed that, once elected, politicians forget their promises. In Sweden from 1968 decreases trust in politicians of national level. Number of voters who think that those who sit in parliament do not bother about the needs of the people has increased from 50% in 1960s to 70% in 1990s. Even worse is the situation with parties - 40% in 60s and 70% in 90s thought that parties are only interested in getting votes. Very often mainstream parties were occupying themselves with issues which were not felt in society as actual. Voters began to think that parties were not representing their interests.

Mainstream parties’ attitude towards Right-Wing Extremist parties was ignorant. Only after the first success of extremist parties the "old" ones began to feel uncomfortable in their "warm places". Some adopted Right-Wing Extremist ideas, some, as communists, began campaign against Right-Wing Extremism. One factor in the recent revival of nationalism has almost certainly been the socially counter-productive Eurofanaticism of some elites. Some Right-Wing Extremist parties, as REPs, have developed their ideas about Europe. They are against European integration but advocate emergence of European identity as something different from non-european world. Nevertheless, this European identity must preserve national identities. Interesting that regional extremist parties that want separation do not object to identify themselves with Europe.

Right-Wing Extremist features. First of all, Right-Wing Extremist parties have tried to differ from traditional parties. Voters must not associate them with corrupted, ignorant old parties. Right-Wing Extremist parties have sometimes called themselves a movement in order not to identify themselves with that "bad word" - party. Republicans , MSI ( Italian Social Movement), New Democracy, Progress parties are examples. Most recent case: Austrian Freedom’s Party has changed its name to "The Freedomites" for the same reason.

Usually Right-Wing Extremist parties are very centralised. That reflects their desire for stronger state and hierarchy. Wolfreys writes that "FN offers everyone a place in hierarchy, granting the weak and the furious the security of authority’s iron hand and at the same time satisfying their desire to dominate." ( 1993)

Very important feature of Right-Wing Extremist parties is strong and charismatic leadership. That is also like a protest against traditional parties and their structure. Almost every Right-Wing Extremist party can be associated with one or two leaders. Without them most likely the success of the parties would be much more moderate. One single leader is also essential for the control in party. Le Pen has been successful in keeping the FN together, the "frontist" structure of party allows different tendencies to exist under a single banner.(Fysh and Wolfreys, 1992:319) Many other Right-Wing Extremist parties have survived inner splitting and personal conflicts. Personality and charisma of the leader is very important also because this is the age of media. Skilful orator will benefit and most Right-Wing Extremist parties’ leaders are such colourful personalities.

Factors of the rise of Right-Wing Extremism cannot be regarded separately. It is very likely that socio-economic changes, elite-institutional factors are very close related with individual-attitudinal factors. People respond to the challenges of the changing world according to their political culture and personality features. Many of them have found "salvation" in Right-Wing Extremist parties because these parties know how to free people from fears. They offer solutions for all problems, they find scapegoats but actually they use people’s fears to gain power.

Next decade will be a test for democratic values in Europe and we will see if the development of tolerance in society is irreversible.

Beyme, Klaus von (1988) "Right-Wing Extremism in Post-War Europe" from West European Politics Vol.11, Nr.2,pp.1-17

Betz, Hans-George (1993) "The New Politics of Resentment. Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe" from Comparative Politics Vol.25, Nr.4 pp.413-425

Eatwell, Roger (1994) "Why are Fascism and Racism Reviving in Western Europe?" from The Political Quarterly Vol.65, pp.313-325

Ellwood, Sheelagh (1992) "The Extreme Right in Post-Francoist Spain" from Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, Nr.3

Fysh, Peter and Wolfreys, Jim (1992) "Le Pen, the National Front and the Extreme Right in France" from Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, Nr.3

Husbands, Christopher (1992) "The Other Face of 1992: The Extreme-right Explosion in Western Europe" from Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, Nr.3, pp. 267-283

Knight, Robert (1992) "Haider, the Freedom Party and the Extreme Right in Austria" from Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, Nr.3

Roberts, Geoffrey (1992) "Right-Wing Radicalism in the New Germany" from Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, Nr.3

Taggart, Paul "New Populist Parties in Western Europe" from West European Politics Vol.18, No.1, pp.34-5